The Consequences of U.S. Foreign Activity

Rather, Johnson points out that the media and government officials visualised the attacks as against "America" and the American people. But Johnson states bluntly that the attacks were aimed at American foreign constitution. His moderate is an attempt to explain, if non necessarily justify, why much(prenominal) attacks surpass. His book also makes clear that such attacks are not unprecedented and, in fact, should have been foreseen (if not in their particulars) by American government officials.

Johnson details numerous examples of what he believes to be troubling American foreign indemnity and the resulting " backfire" in the book. His examples demonstrate that blowback can occur in both direct and indirect forms. For instance, he claims that the 1988 bombardment of Pan American flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, which killed 270 people, was blowback for a 1986 raid in Libya by American military forces that killed Libyan President Muammar Khadaffi's four-year-old stepdaughter (Johnson, 2000, p. 8). That bombing could be described as a direct retaliation by one country against another.

Johnson's bank line is supported by news reports in American media. For example, on February 1, 2003, media outlet MSNBC also reported that the CIA believed the bombing of flight 103 was blowback for the Reagan administration bombing in Tripoli, Libya that killed Khadaffi's daugh

In addition, the 1953 armistice officially ending the war was not signed by an American general on behalf of second Korea. This is one of the reasons Johnson argues that North Korea today insists upon negotiating with the United States rather than federation Korea. For even today all reciprocal ohm Korean gird forces operate under a structure headed by an American general (Johnson, 2000, p. 102). In 1994, the U.S. transferred peacetime control of South Korean forces to South Korea, but as late as the military coups d'etat in 1961 and 1979 and the 1980 military massacre of civilian protestors in Kwangju, South Korean forces were under American control.

Thus, Johnson argues that many Koreans viewed the Americans as co-conspirators in these dictatorial actions and offers these as more reasons domestic resentment of American policy in foreign countries (Johnson, 2000, p. 102).

What becomes clear from a reading of Johnson's book is that the United States has used a Cold War political orientation of "us versus them" and its military dominance since the Cold War to blueprint and control domestic policies in countries around the world. The book itself focuses on Asian countries, but the applicability of actions such as those performed by Osama bin Laden and Muammar Khadaffi prove that this U.S. influence is not restrict to the countries on which Johnson focuses. Rather, in pockets throughout the book, Johnson notes similar U.S. activity in Latin American countries.

Johnson's exploration also highlights the contradictions in the U.S.' induce expressed rationale for its military presence in Japan. For example, he notes a report in the Washington Post that verbalize that "[n]eighboring countries, with a particularly vivid memory of Japanese onset during World War II, also worry that if the U.S. withdrew its troops, Japan would some certainly build up its own military force-out" (Johnson, 2000, p. 60). This suggests that the American military presence protects Japan's neighbors and hinders Japan'
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